The
second caliph, more than any other personality, influenced the thoughts
and ideas of the Sunnites. As his period of caliphate was a highly
crucial juncture in the history of Islam, his thoughts and deeds, too,
were of great significance for Sunnites Muslims. This is the extent to
which he is considered as a role model who made no mistakes and every
word or act of him can be trusted as a religious tradition. Therefore,
it is necessary to talk about him here.
The high status of 'Umar
in Sunnites thinking, can not be compared to anyone else. In the
narrations told about 'Umar's good traits, the ranking attributed to him
is a little lower than prophethood! This status has been interpreted as
“Muhaddath”. Muhaddath is said to be someone who receives
“revelations”.
In a narration found in Bukhari, Muslim and in
addition toothers, Abu Hurayra has been quoted as saying that the
Prophet Muhammad said, “There were people among the Israelian tribe who
received revelations without being a prophet. If there is anyone in my
Umma who is such, that person is certainly 'Umar.” According to
Qastalani, the commentator of the book of Bukhari, the “if” in the
above-mentioned sentence, does not mean “hesitation” but means
“emphasis”.
Besides such quotations, there is, on the whole, a
certain idea about the caliph's measures at the Prophet's time,
indicating that before God revealed something, 'Umar had ordered that
and then, God had sent down some verses in that regard. These instances
are known as ”'Umar's Muwafiqat”,or 'Umar's agreement.
It is
interesting that in some cases, the viewpoint of the Prophet was in
conflict with 'Umar's, but God has sent down verses agreeing with
'Umar's idea! 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Umar has been quoted as saying that all
the verses God sent down about something discussed by 'Umar and others,
were in accordance with 'Umar's idea. Some of such examples are saying
prayers for Ibrahim, the verse of Hijab, the Badr captives, banning
drinking, not saying prayers for hypocrites and so on. It is evident,
then, why 'Umar's status was close to prophethood and later, his way of
behavior was regarded superior even to that of the Prophet.
Here,
we must note the point that 'Umar was as strong in practice as he was
weak in thought. He, himself, had admitted this several times and had
sought help from others in solving his problems. 'Allama Amini has
allocated almost half of the sixth volume of the book of al-Ghadir
entitled, نوادر الاثر في علم عمر “Rare reports about the knowledge of
'Umar,” on these issues.
It was due to this weakness in knowledge
that 'Umar did not like religious discussions and debates and once, when
someone asked him the meaning of وَالذَّارِيَاتِ ذَرْوًا. “I Swear to
pollinating winds,” 'Umar beat him up. [307]
One of the main
features of the second caliph's thinking was that he saw himself
entitled to vast authorities as a ruler. He considered a special right
for himself, not only in political and executive affairs, but also in
divine legislation and making laws. Relying on the same authorities
during his caliphate, 'Umar made innovations and changes and did not
deem himself obliged to anything except having a general knowledge of
the Qur'an and the Shari'a.
In cases where he found himself
incompetent, he would hold consultations and deliberations with the
Companions to get things done. Narrating an interesting story told by
Tabari is appropriate here to realize the caliph's idea about his
authorities, ”'Imran Ibn Sawad says, “I said the morning prayers with
'Umar and then, followed him.”
He asked, “You have a request?”
I said, “Yes, advice!”
He said, “Bravo! Go on!”
I said, “People find faults with you in several things.”
Holding his lash under his chin, 'Umar said, “Well?”
I
said, “You have forbidden the lesser pilgrimage (the 'Umra Hajj) during
the months of Hajj while Prophet Muhammad said it was permitted;
neither did Abu Bakr act like you.”
'Umar said, “This was to show people that they were not exempt from the main Hajj by doing the 'Umra.”
I asked, “You have banned the temporary marriage of women while the Prophet had allowed it?”
'Umar
said, “I am equal to Muhammad; I make them full and do so and so for
them. If I do not do so (harsh behavior), I'll abandon the truth (this
is ironical of his having right to do so).” [308]
There are two
basic points in this quotation containing plenty of proof for approving
its inclusion, One is that 'Umar, in response to 'Imran, confirmed his
disagreement with the Prophet (S) and also justified it. Second, his
response to 'Imran's last objection started with this sentence, أنا زميل
محمّد (ص) “I am equal to the Prophet.” “Zamil” commonly means
“classmate” and its old usage is referred to two people who ride on
camels each of whom takes seat on one side or two people ride on two
camels separately.
In the above statement, there is an opposite
sentence that says, وكان زامله في غزوة قرقرة الكدر ”'Umar has 'Umar been
equal to the Prophet in Qarqarat al-Kudr war.”
This sentence had
no relation with 'Umar's response to the questions raised [309] but on
the contrary, it was really misleading and was intentionally aimed at
misleading the minds. 'Umar says he is equal to the Prophet, meaning he
could enjoin to or forbid from something or label things as lawful or
unlawful just as the Prophet could.
Thus, the caliph considered his authorities as vast as the Prophet and pretended to believe in nothing but the Qur'an.
What
has been said about the caliph's ban on narrating hadith and writing is
that it [310] exactly conforms to this idea of the caliph. It seems the
caliph believed that only the Qur'an could remain unchanged, but not
hadith. Therefore, the ruler can act at any time based on his expedience
regarding this matter. In other words, what has been quoted from
Prophet Muhammad, only refer to his authorities as a ruler and these are
authorities 'Umar, too, had as a ruler.
It is unlikely to find
any caliph other than 'Umar and 'Uthman who considered their authorities
to include divine legislation and interference in religious affairs.
Nasr Allah Munshi, in the preface to “Kelilih wa Dimnih”, quotes 'Umar
as saying, “What the “state” bans people from is prior to what the
“Qur'an” prohibits.” [311]
'Umar cut the share of المؤلفة قلوبهم
“Those whose hearts are captured,” that God paid from the tax alms,
saying, Islam has no fear of them any more. [312] He believed an unclean
person who needs water should not say prayers if he cannot find water.
When 'Ammar Yasir taught him the Prophet's tradition in Tayammum (making
ablution with earth or sand), اتق الله يا عمار “O 'Ammar! Fear God!”
'Ammar answered, “If you please so, I will not tell you the hadith of the Prophet!” [313]
It
is interesting that 'Umar hated Tayammum even during the Prophet's
life. Once during a trip, someone from 'Umar's companions got impure at
dawn and had to make Tayammum. 'Umar voiced objected to him.
When
they got to Medina, 'Umar complained about him to the Prophet, but the
Prophet said, “I would have done the same if I were in his conditions.”
[314] Of course, if nothing occurred to his mind, 'Umar would follow the
Prophet's Sunna. [315]
Ibn 'Abbas says, “During the time of the
Prophet and Abu Bakr and in two years of 'Umar's caliphate, if someone
divorced his wife three times, it would be considered once. But, 'Umar
considered it three divorces. [316] Malik Ibn Anas, Imam of Malikiyya,
narrates, ”'Umar was afraid that a non-Arab would receive inheritance
from an Arab unless he was born among Arabs!” [317]
These rulings
were among the caliph's personal Ijtihads which were mostly based on his
favored “interests”. Temporary marriage during Hajj and temporary
marriage of women are among the main religious affairs allowed by
Prophet Muhammad, but banned by the caliph. [318] As we mentioned, 'Umar
believed these affairs were permissible at the time of the Prophet due
to certain necessity.
Another example is dropping the line “Hayya
'Ala Khayr al-'Amal” (Rush to the best deed) from the Adhan [319]
whereas people such as 'Abd Allah Ibn 'Umar and Iman as-Sajjad (a)
always said this line in the call to prayers. [320]
Word has it
that 'Umar was the first person to initiate the rising of Ramaďan. He
did it in the 14th year of Hijra and ordered all towns and cities to do
so. [321] This is the same nightly prayers of Ramaďan still common among
Sunnis. Because 'Umar saw himself entitled to such authorities, he
issued contradictory rulings in some cases. Such instances can be found
in the issue of inheritance. [322]
Freedom of action in religious
affairs could entail more claim of authority in non-religious domains.
The caliph did not avoid innovation. The sudden expansion of Islamic
countries at the time of 'Umar brought him face to face with numerous
problems, so he often tried to find a solution to his problems even if
through consultation with the companions. The collection of such
solutions which were first based on the Prophet's heritage, second on
consultations with the companions and third, on the caliph's
innovations, led to the enlargement of the state authority.
Comparing
the successful policy of 'Umar and Mu'awiya with that of Imam 'Ali,
Ahmad Amin says the former two considered themselves free in
interpreting religious texts while 'Ali believed in them. [323] Also,
Suhayl Zakkar has referred to the point that 'Umar saw himself entitled
to interpret new issues. [324] His instructions to Shurayh are also
considerable for following the rules. [325]
As mentioned earlier,
one principle of the caliph's thoughts was that he tried to only rely on
the Qur'an as proof, so he ignored hadiths. His remark which said,
حسبنا كتاب الله [326] “We relied on the Book of Allah.”
This has
been cited in many historical and hadith sources and implies nothing
other than there is no need for hadith. Of course, this has no
contradiction with 'Umar's use of the Prophet's quotations if he could
not think of a certain solution. However, in return, he would do
something if it were to his interest even if Prophet Muhammad had a
special belief in that regard.
One such clear example was a
wording about the Imamate of Imam 'Ali that was said by the Prophet. Not
only 'Umar, but other companions also set aside the words due to some
expediency they claimed.
Ibn Abi l-Hadid says, “I asked my master
about texts on the Imamate of 'Ali and said, “Is it really possible that
they have set aside the Prophet's words?”
He answered, “Those
people do not consider caliphate among religious decrees such as daily
prayers and fasting, but consider it a worldly affair and an issue like
running the land, planning the war and ruling the subjects.
In
these cases, too, if they saw it to their benefit, they would oppose the
word of the Prophet. For example, the Prophet ordered Abu Bakr and
'Umar to join the army of Usama, but they refused to do so as they did
not see it agreeable to the state interests. These happened during
Prophet Muhammad's lifetime, he saw them and did not deny them!…
The
companions, collectively and individually, neglected many words of
Prophet Muhammad and this was due to the interests they saw in doing so
such as the shares of ذوي القربى والمؤلفة قلوبهم “Relatives and those
whose hearts are captured.”
They acted according to their own will
in many issues not mentioned by the Qur'an and the Sunna such as the
limit of drinking wine,…. They preferred their interests to the
Prophet's words, saying, “If you find it right, do it…”
As for the
Prophet's words about 'Ali, they (in fact, Abu Bakr and 'Umar) said
that Arabs would not accept his rule due to several reasons. Therefore,
they agreed not to give him the power because they saw that Arabs would
not obey him.
So, they interpreted the Prophet's words; however,
they did not deny the word. They just said someone present can see
something which the absent person cannot. The Ansar's act, too, helped
them. So, they made allegiance with Abu Bakr to eliminate the Ansar's
conspiracy. And later, in the face of 'Ali's protests, they said that he
was too young, Arabs would not accept him, …and that Abu Bakr was an
old man, he was experienced, Arabs love him, etc.
They said if
they had chosen 'Ali, Arabs would have turned apostate and …Which way
was to their interests? Following the Prophet's words and getting ready
for Arabs' apostasy and the return of the Dark Age or deviating from the
Prophet's words and safeguarding Islam…People, too, remained silent…
Ibn
Abi l-Hadid says, “My master, Abu Ja’far Naqib, did not believe in Imam
and did not obey them. Neither did he accept the words of Shi'ites
fanatics. Yet, he had such an analysis. [327]
At any rate, this
point must be taken into consideration that when 'Umar took the reins of
caliphate, it was necessary to expand the administrative organization
of the new government. Further conquests and enlargement of the lands
under his rule as well as wars and peace deals forced him to forge some
laws in order to run his affairs.
These measures are listed by
Kattani in the book of “al-Taratib al-Idariyya ” (Administrative
Arrangements). Many of his measures took on a jurisprudent aura and in
later texts of Sunnis, were used as the basis of Sunnites jurisprudence.
Most of his edicts have been collected in the book of “al-Musannaf” by
'Abd al-Razzaq Sanani. Ibn Kathir, too, has gathered these edicts in a
book entitled “Musnad 'Umar” ('Umar's Throne).
It was during his
period that for the first time, the title of “Amir al-Mu'minin” or
“Commander of the Faithful” became a common term to refer to the caliph.
Before that, he was called “Khalifa Rasul Allah” or the “Caliph of the
Prophet”. But, according to quotations, he got the title of Amir
al-Mu'minin in the year 17 A.H. from either Mughira Ibn Shu'ba, Abu Musa
Ash'ari or 'Adi Ibn Hatim. [328]
One the caliph's measures which
had an important role in organizing the ruling system and establishing
the government was the formation of “Diwans” in the year 20 A.H. [329]
Prophet Muhammad was a pioneer in registering the names of Muslims,
especially fighters. [330]
'Umar ordered the registration of the
Companions and classified them based on tribal origins and religious
records. [331] Then, he divided the huge booties gained during
conquests. 'Umar began with the Hashimites and among them, with 'Abd
al-Muttalib.40 The policy of the Prophet and Abu Bakr differed with
'Umar's policy [332] in that they divided the riches equally while
'Umar's division was based on different tribes and the people's record
in Islam. It is said that 'Umar objected to Abu Bakr for observing
equality. [333]
This act of the caliph led to the reinforcement of
tribal strata among Arabs based on which, some tribes claimed
superiority over others. This remark of Maqdisi who has quoted 'Umar as
saying that he had learnt justice from Chosroe [334] gives strength to
the probability that he had been somehow influenced by the Iranian
system of social classification, though there is no other evidence to
prove this claim. Word has said that towards the end of his life, 'Umar
doubted the rightfulness of this method and said if he lived more, he
would act equally towards all people. [335]
Also, an accurate date
that was necessary for administrative affair was set in 'Umar's time.
We mentioned elsewhere that during consultations with the companions, he
acted according to the opinion of Imam 'Ali based on choosing the date
of the Prophet's Hijra as the beginning date of Muslims' history. This
was a significant step towards creating administrative discipline.
Regarding
the sources of the second caliph's religious and political thoughts, we
must note another point. Besides what he had gained from Islamic
teachings, 'Umar tried to enrich his thoughts from other sources also.
One of these sources was the knowledge of the people of the book and
Jews had plenty of such knowledge in Hijaz.
First of all, we must
admit that among different Islamic sects, there is a common accusation
about 'Umar's use of Jewish knowledge, mostly due to the reason that
Jews were greatly despised by the Qur'an and naturally, by Muslims. It
should be known however that the people of the book in general and Jews,
in particular, have left some traces in the historical texts and
hadiths of Muslims.
This influence is more or less seen among
practically all sects. Any way, there are some texts available that
indicate the people of the book tried to grab a position for themselves
in the new society by relying on the knowledge they already possessed
and the cultural influence they had inherited from the era of ignorance.
Their
religious texts had many things in common with Islam and it was on this
basis that they claimed to have some knowledge about the interpretation
of the Qur'an. Moreover, they said that in the earlier texts, the
Prophet's ordainment had been announced.
They went on as far as
claiming that in divine books, there had a lot of information about the
trend of developments in the Islamic society, the story of caliphs,
events and wars. Muslims' belief in this issue made it much easier for
the people of the book. We had better set aside our general discussion
in this regard, which has also been reiterated by Ibn Khadlun [336] and
return to our main topic.
When the Muslim Muhajirs came to Medina
and Islam spread in the city, the ground was prepared for a cultural
relation between Islam and Judaism due to their common origins.
A
quotation says, كانت اليهود يحدثون اصحاب رسول الله “The Jews spoke with
the companions of the Prophet (S).” When Prophet Muhammad heard of that,
he said, “Do not confirm or deny them.” [337] Though it seems that
gradually, things got more serious until the Prophet banned the
companions from listening to Jews or copying their works.
When he
came to Medina, the second caliph decided to use the people of the book
to increase his religious and historical knowledge.
He says, “I
copied one of the works of the people of the book so as to add to my
knowledge.” The Prophet was really angered to the extent that the Ansar
shouted, “as-Silah! as-Silah!”, meaning “Weapon! Weapon!”
Then,
the Prophet said, “I have brought everything for you.” [338] Elsewhere,
'Umar has been quoted as telling Prophet Muhammad, “I came across a
“brother from Qurayza” who copied the Torah for me. Shall I offer it to
you?” This question angered the Prophet. [339]
Zuhri says that
“Hafsa who was 'Umar's daughter and also the Prophet's wife, brought to
the Prophet a book of stories about Joseph and read out the book. At the
same moment, the Prophet's face turned red with anger and he said, “I
swear by God that if Joseph and I were among you and you followed him
and abandoned me, you would be mistaken.” [340] The fact that 'Umar and
his daughter tried at the time of the Prophet to read the texts of other
religions could not have been a mere incidence. This issue is clarified
with the point told by Ibn Shahab Zuhri about 'Umar's naming as Faruq,
the distinguisher.
He says, “The first people to call 'Umar as
Faruq were the people of the book while no news has reached us to
indicate that the Prophet called him so.” [341]
When 'Umar came to
power, he pondered in this regard with a more peace of mind and right
at the time when he encountered a Muslim-turned Jew from Yemen, he could
benefit from him more. This person was Ka'b Ibn Mati' Himyari known as
Ka'b al-Ahbar. [342]
He converted to Islam after the Prophet's
demise at the time of Abu Bakr or 'Umar and then came to Medina. Later,
he took permission from the caliph and headed to Damascus. It seems that
his departure to Damascus and at the time of the second caliph, to Bayt
al-Muqaddas, was to sign a peace deal with Christians and Ka'b
accompanied him. Ka'b al-Ahbar died during 'Uthman's caliphate in the
year 32 or 33 A.H in the town of Hims. [343]
This is while a tomb
with a high dome was built for him in Egypt. Ka'b al-Ahbar was a trusted
and reliable source for centuries and his quotations have filled books
of history and interpretation. [344] But currently, given the new
researches carried out, the image of Ka'b al-Ahbar has been shrouded in
mystery and has made decision-making difficult for Sunnites scholars and
religious men.
Ka'b al-Ahbar, on the one hand, received the
second caliph's attention and on the other, is an important source for
texts known as Israelite in the Islamic culture. These are quotations
about the Torah and other Jewish scriptures that have a determining
presence in Muslims' books of history, interpretation, Gnosticism and
literature.
Ka'b al-Ahbar and Wahb Ibn Munabba are two main
sources of the spread of Israelite in the Islamic culture. Since the
anti-Israelite current gained force among Sunnis, the task of deciding
about Ka'b has been made difficult. [345] We should not forget here that
twice as much what Ka'b has quoted from earlier books, has been falsely
attributed to him by others and he has been exaggerated.
Dhahabi says about him, “He had knowledge of Jewish books and had a special talent in recognizing false and true texts.” [346]
Here,
the second caliph's trust in him, despite sufficient evidence, has not
been trusted by those who did not believe the Israelites in general and
Ka'b, in particular. Ibn Kathir says Ka'b al-Ahbar was the best of them
(Muslim-turned Jews) who are quoted. He embraced Islam at the time of
'Umar and quoted the people of the book. 'Umar approved some of his
quotations because they were truthful. [347]
Moreover, 'Umar tried
to absorb him. Afterwards, the people quoted many things from him in so
far as there were exaggerations and he, too, quoted much falsehood
while some of his words were true. Ibn Kathir has implicitly admitted
that 'Umar helped Ka'b find a place among the people who turned to him.
Due to the cultural power of the people of the book, as soon as Ka'b
arrived in Medina, people gathered around him and asked him to read them
some news about the future events from the books of the predecessors.
[348]
What made people trust him was that he claimed his words
were all based on “the Revealed Book of God”. Here, book means the Torah
about which Ka'b had told Qays Ibn Kharasha, “The Torah says there is
no inch of land other than what happens on it until the Day of
Judgment.” [349]
Ka'b spread his words among the people by
underlining that he was quoting from the “Book of God”. Above all, the
second caliph benefited from him and his knowledge. There are several
instances to prove this. Hisham Kalbi says, “There was famine at the
time of 'Umar. Ka'b al-Ahbar told him, “When the same situation occurred
for the Israelian tribe, they resorted to their prophet's Household and
said the prayer for rain.
This advice led 'Umar to ask 'Abbas to
say this prayer.” [350] Another quotation says 'Umar asked Ka'b to talk
about “death” for him. While Ka'b was elaborating on death, tears rolled
down the caliph's cheeks. [351] In another case, 'Umar asked him, which
of Adam's sons had offspring and he talked in this regard in detail.
[352]
When 'Umar wanted to travel to Iraq, Ka'b told him, “Do not
go to Iraq because the genies are there, as are their men and nine-tenth
of sorcery, too.” [353]
The quotation of Sayf Ibn 'Umar says that
during the outbreak of plague, 'Umar called on his courtiers to guide
him about different cities. Ka'b said the following about Iraq in
response to 'Umar's seeking consultation. [354]
According to 'Abd
Allah Ibn Mas'ud who met 'Umar with Ka'b, Ka'b said, “Allow me to tell
you the sweetest thing which I have read in “The Books of Prophets”.
With 'Umar's approval, Ka'b al-Ahbar quoted parts of the book which is
more than a page. [355] 'Umar asked Ka'b to tell him about Ka'ba and he
said, “God sent down to earth a hollow sapphire [356] and …” In another
occasion, Ka'b was sitting in the mosque when 'Umar entered and asked
him to intimidate him and others.
He said, “O Ka'b! Frighten us!” [357]
'Umar said, “Prophet Muhammad told me, “My greatest fear for my Umma is from the side of misleading Imam.”
Ka'b
said, “I swear by God that fear for the Umma is from no one other than
them.” [358] Another quotation says once at the time of 'Umar, Ka'b
stood up and asked, “What was the last word of your Prophet?”
'Umar said, “Ask 'Ali.”
And Imam 'Ali answered, “While his blessed head was resting on my shoulder, he said, “Prayers, prayers.”
Ka'b said, “This is the last oath of all prophets to which they have been obliged and ordained.” [359]
Ka'b
wanted to show himself well-versed in all books of prophets and in
other cases, to make people accept what he said. Apparently later, some
people noticed the problem that they could not rely on the distorted
Torah.
Therefore, how could they accept the words of Ka'b? To
solve this issue, it was made up that Ka'b used a Torah which had not
been distorted. In the final hours of his life, Ka'b ordered someone to
throw that book of Torah into the sea.
His justification was that
he was afraid some people would use that book as a base for their
reasoning. After narrating this story, Dhahabi says, “Now, this Torah is
not in our hands and after that, we cannot rely on the existing book of
Torah.” [360]
However at the same time, Ibn 'Abbas rejected the
Torah as distorted and cautioned people against asking questions from
the people of the book. [361]
Another narration says 'Umar had
ordered someone to be lashed as punishment. When he was being lashed, he
said, “Subhan Allah” or “Praise be to God”. 'Umar told the executioner
to stop the lashing. Ka'b al-Ahbar burst into laughter.
'Umar said, “Why do you laugh?”
Ka'b
answered, “I swear by God that Subhan Allah is a mitigation of divine
punishment.” [362] In another case, 'Umar and Ka'b were standing.
Hutay'a,
the poet recited a poem which said, “Someone who does a good deed, his
reward will never be wasted because “the good deed” is ever lasting
between God and his people.”
Ka'b said, “By God, that it says the same thing in the Torah.” [363]
Once, 'Umar asked Ka'b al-Ahbar about different cities.
He
said, “When God created the word and what is in it, Wisdom said, “I
shall go to Iraq.” Knowledge said, “I shall be with you.” Wealth said,
“I go to Damascus.” Trouble said, “I am with you.” [364]
In
another occasion, Ka'b al-Ahbar entered the court of 'Umar and sat down
at some distance from him. 'Umar asked him why he had done so. Ka'b
pointed to the wisdom of Luqman and said, “One should not sit close to a
person of power because someone else may enter the assembly who is more
endeared; then, you will have to sit back a little. This way, you will
be belittled.” [365]
'Umar asked Ka'b, “How does knowledge leave the mind of someone who has learnt it?”
Ka'b responded, “Through greed and stretching one's hand out to the people.” [366]
Once again, Ka'b told 'Umar, “Woe unto the “Sultan of the Earth” from the “Sultan of the Heaven”?”
'Umar said, “Unless for someone who checks himself.”
Ka'b
said, “I swear by God that this has been mentioned in the Torah
exactly.” [367] In another occasion, 'Umar asked Ka'b al-Ahbar to tell
him about virtue. [368] Once 'Umar told Ka'b who was seeking permission
to go to Damascus, “Do not leave Medina which is the place of the
Prophet's Hijra and his city of burial.” Ka'b said he had read in the
Revealed Book of Allah that Damascus was God's treasure upon the earth.
[369]
In another case, a verse was discussed, كُلَّمَا نَضِجَتْ
جُلُودُهُمْ بَدَّلْنَاهُمْ جُلُودًا غَيْرَهَا. “Whatsoever their skin is
fried, it is replaced with a new one to taste the pain.” [370]
Ka'b said, “I have an interpretation about this verse which dates back to the period before the advent of Islam.”
'Umar said, “Say it, but we will confirm your words only when they conform to those of the Prophet (S).”
Ka'b said, “It means I will change their skin a hundred times each hour.”
'Umar said, “I heard the same thing from the Prophet (S) !” [371]
In Bayt al-Muqaddas, 'Umar asked Ka'b about the location of the “Sakhra” and he talked in this regard in detail. [372]
Despite
these examples, only Abu Zur'a Dimashqi has quoted 'Umar as telling
Ka'b, “Quit the narration of “Hadith al-Uwal” the first hadith or I
shall banish you to the land of apes!” [373]
In another case, in
continuation of a report from a follower of another religion talking
about the traits of the caliphs in the Torah, 'Umar has been quoted as
having cautioned people against quoting the people of the book. [374]
Also, once 'Umar heard that someone in Kufa had the book of Daniel.
'Umar called him to Medina and afterwards, that person agreed to burn
whatever he had. [375]
Such a position, even if existed, was not
so firm towards Ka'b and the instances mentioned earlier, are proofs to
our opinion. Once Ka'b came to 'Umar and asked permission to read the
Torah. 'Umar answered, “If you know that this is the same Torah sent
down by God upon Moses in Mount Sinai, then read it day and night.”
[376]
During these consultations, once 'Umar noticed that Ka'b had
not given up his Jewish thoughts yet. In the year that 'Umar went to
Bayt al-Muqaddas, Ka'b accompanied him. On this journey when there were
talks with others including a monk, [377] 'Umar asked Ka'b to determine
the place of the mosque of Bayt al-Muqaddas. So, he asked Ka'b, “In your
opinion, in which direction should we place the altar?”
Ka'b said, “Towards the Sakhra (Jewish Qibla).”
'Umar
said, “You speak in favor of Jews! I also saw that upon entering the
mosque, you took off your shoes.” [378] However, even after that, Ka'b's
position remained the same to the caliph.
One interesting point
here is the claim of Ka'b al-Ahbar and the people of the book about
finding the name and characteristics of the second caliph in previous
divine books. 'Abd Allah Ibn Mas'ud has been quoted as saying, ”'Umar
was riding a horse when it suddenly threw him off. At that moment,
'Umar's thigh was revealed. The people of Najran who saw a black mole on
his thigh said, “This is the same person who, our books say, drives us
out of our homeland.” [379]
Later, Wahb Ibn Munabba claimed that
'Umar's description had been mentioned in the Torah. [380] Aqra' who was
'Umar's Mu'adhdhin, says, “The caliph sent me to fetch the bishop. I
brought him so that he sat under the same shade with 'Umar.
'Umar asked the bishop, “Have you seen my name in your books?”
The bishop replied, “Yes.”
'Umar inquired, “How?”
The bishop answered, “Like a horn!”
'Umar lifted his lash and said, “What is on my horn?”
The bishop said, “An iron horn, reliable and strong.”
'Umar asked, “Who succeeds to caliphate after me?”
The bishop answered, “A righteous caliph who sacrifices his life for his relatives.”
'Umar asked, “Who is next after him?”
The
bishop said, “A righteous caliph who has drawn out his sword has shed
blood!” [381] Although this narration is unknown, first of all, it is
likely that its beginning part is correct and the bishop said these
things only about 'Umar. Second, even despite being an entire
fabrication, those people have been mentioned by other bishops and those
familiar with the pre-Islamic books.
Ibn Shubba says, “During
'Umar's journey to Damascus, an old man approached the army on the way
and complained about heavy taxes. He asked to talk to the caliph.
Talha asked him, “Have you found the news of the caliph's descent in your books?”
He
said, “Yes, we know the descriptions of your chief and the one before
him as well as your prophet.” Then, he mentioned those traits one by
one! [382] Amali Muhammad Ibn Habib has been quoted as saying that Ibn
'Abbas said, “Towards the end of his caliphate, 'Umar wished death for
himself.
One day when I was with him, he asked Ka'b al-Ahbar, “I
see my death close. First, what is your opinion about 'Ali Ibn Abi Talib
and second, what do you find in this regard in your books, because you
believe that our affairs have been written in your books?”
Ka'b
said, “In my opinion, 'Ali is not suitable for his job because he is a
strictly religious man. He does not overlook any mistake, does not act
to his Ijtihad and this way, he cannot control his subjects. But, what
we find in our books is that the government does not fall to him or his
sons.”
'Umar said, “Then, who gets the rule?”
Ka'b al-Ahbar
said, “We find it so that after the believer in Shari'a and two of his
companions, the government will reach those people with whom the Prophet
(S) has fought over the principle of religion, [383] that is the
Umayya.” Also in another occasion, someone from the people of the book
came to 'Umar and said, ” Oh, King of Arab, greetings upon you.”
'Umar
asked, “Has such a thing been mentioned in your books? Has it not been
said that the “Prophet” comes, then the “caliph” and then “Amir
al-Mu'minin”?”
He said, “Yes.” [384] This quotation is evidently a
mere lie. At the time of 'Uthman, Ka'b al-Ahbar responded to someone
who had said in a poem that after 'Uthman, 'Ali would come to power.
He said, “You are lying. The caliphate will go to Mu'awiya.” [385]
According
to historians, Ka'b deviated from Imam 'Ali (a) and Imam, too,
introduced him as a “Liar.” [386] Ka'b said he had read the news of the
cities' conquests in the Torah and that these conquests would take place
at the hands of a righteous man. [387]
'Umar's familiarity with
the people of the book, especially his friendship with Ka'b, caused him
to sometimes say something or take an action by relying on what the
people of the book had stated.
One of the companions says,
“Prophet Muhammad (S) had said the afternoon prayers. After that, a man
stood up to say prayers. 'Umar grasped him by his clothes and said, “
'Sit down.' The people of the book were lost because there was no rest
between their prayers.” [388] Also, the caliph's important decision in
preventing the Prophet's hadiths from being written down was made under
the influence of the people of the book. [389]
Zuhri quotes 'Urwa
Ibn Zubayr as saying, ”'Umar decided to write down the hadiths and Sunna
of the Prophet (S). He consulted the companions in this regard. They
all agreed. 'Umar thought about the decision for a month and then said,
“I have thought about it. I saw that before you, the people of the book
had written books on the book of God and relied on them. As a result,
they abandoned the book of God. But, I will not cover the book of God
with anything else.” [390]
Despite the Prophet's clear ban on
reading the works of the people of the book – including obvious examples
that were addressed to 'Umar, himself [391] some people freely spread
these ideas. It is interesting that besides spreading these thoughts,
the writing and narration of the hadiths was prevented. [392]
In
order to complete this plan one side of which was the permission for
spreading Jewish thoughts and the other one was blocking the narration
of the hadith, a hadith was narrated, or in better words, was fabricated
which quoted Prophet Muhammad as saying, “Do not write any of my words
and instead, narrate anything you want from the people of Israel.” [393]
This
is while people such as Ibn 'Abbas and Ibn Mas'ud openly voiced concern
over the accessibility of the works of the people of the book for
Muslims and rejected them. [394]
One of the phenomena which was
created in this period and whose origin should be considered as a
consequence of the spread of the Israelite, was story telling. Certain
people known as “Qas”, the story- tellers quoted the
historical-religious stories of Jews and used them as the interpretation
of the historical verses of the Qur'an. Their main source for these
stories was the Torah and the verbal quotations common among Jewish and
Christian scribes.
These people made speeches for the people
before and after the public prayers. This phenomenon did not exist at
the time of the Prophet (S) and Abu Bakr, but became common at the time
of the second caliph, with his permission and continued later on. The
phenomenon of story-telling raised positive and negative reactions among
the companions (Sahaba) and the followers (Tabi'in) which we have
elaborated on in a special book. [395]
What is concerned here is
that for the first time, Tamim al-Dari began story-telling with the
permission of the second caliph. [396] 'Umar allowed him to preach
through story-telling before the Friday prayers sermons. Later, 'Uthman
allowed him to do so twice a week. [397] Tamim al-Dari was a
Christian-turned-Muslim and many stories have been narrated about his
virtue. This became the basis of a kind of Christian-style piety later
greatly spread in the Islamic society.
Examples of these pious
people who constantly quoted news from Jews and Christian monks, are
abundant in the book of “Hiliyat al-Awliya” by Abu Na'im Isfahani. It
has been said that Tamim al-Dari had learnt his stories in the
synagogues of Damascus and from the preachers of that land. [398] Also,
another person named 'Ubayd Ibn 'Umayr was permitted to tell stories at
the time of 'Umar. [399] We will see later that Imam 'Ali (a) was
seriously opposed to story-telling.
‘Umar’s Murder
According
to certain narrations and more specifically what has been narrated by
Tabari, some people have claimed that 'Umar was murdered with the plot
of Ka'b al-Ahbar..Historians and narrators of Sunnites hadiths brought
this news in their books for centuries. However, they believed so much
in the predictions and reports of Ka'b and people like him that they did
not have the least suspicion about Ka'b's role in the caliph's murder.
Jahiz
who is a rationalist critic, has this opinion about what Ka'b has
narrated from the Torah (although there is no such thing in the Torah), I
believe that many of these reports which have been quoted with phrases
such as “We find them in the books” or “written in the Torah”, have in
fact been taken from the “Book of prophets” and works from the books of
Solomon and Isaiah, the prophet. If the stories quoted from him about
the characteristics of 'Umar, are from him (because he, himself, did not
fabricate news), the problem cannot be solved unless with our
justification. [400]
Therefore, Jahiz Mu'tazili, too, has not been
able to have any doubts about Ka'b al-Ahbar. At any rate, forecasting
'Umar's murder before the actual incident and the opinion that Ka'b had
seen the news in previous books did not attract the attention of the
Prophet's companions and other Muslims. Infact, it is only in recent
years that something has been said in this regard.
In our opinion,
there is doubt about the truthfulness of what has been said by Ka'b.
What has led to the linking of this fabricated news to Ka'b was nothing
but the interest of some simple-minded people in the point that the
caliph's martyrdom has been mentioned in the Torah or other books and
especially that the title of “martyr” has been particularly emphasized.
Moreover,
many stories have been quoted in different sources saying that others
had reported on 'Umar's murder. Some of them have been collected by Ibn
Sa'd and most of them have been related to “the invisible voice” or
“genie”. They said, for example, a voice could be heard reading a poem
and saying the news but no one could be seen. [401] What has come in
certain texts is that Ka'b had told the caliph before his murder that he
had found him a just and martyred Imam in the Torah.
'Umar had said, “How will he be martyred in Medina?” [402]
After 'Umar received a deadly blow at the mosque, Ka'b came to him and said, “Didn't I tell you that you are a martyr?” [403]
If
the news ended here, there would be no problem, but Ibn Sa'd has
another quotation from Sa'd al-Jari who was 'Umar's freed slave, Umm
Kulthum told 'Umar, “Ka'b, the Jew, says, ”'Umar is standing at one of
the doors of hell.” 'Umar sent for Ka'b. Ka'b came to him and said, “I
swear by God that Dhi l-Hajja will not pass unless you are in heaven.”
'Umar said, “How is it that once I am standing at the gate of hell and the other time, I'm in heaven?”
Ka'b
said, “We have found in the Book of God that you are standing at the
door of hell and do not let anyone in, but after you die, people will
again go to hell!” [404]
We think what reveals the importance of
the matter is a narration by Ibn Sa'd. He has quoted Ka'b as telling
'Umar, “In the tribe of Israel, there was a king who reminds us of you
when we think of him. There was a prophet at the time of the king. Once
he told the king, “Write down your will. You will die three days later.”
The king said, “God! If you see that I am doing justice in my rule and
obey you in the affairs, increase my life until my son grows up and my
Umma increases in number.”
God conveyed these words to his prophet and said, “I added fifteen years to his life.”
After 'Umar was wounded, Ka'b told him, “If you ask, God will keep you alive.”
The news reached 'Umar but 'Umar said, “God, take my life at a time when I am not blamed and disabled.” [405]
In
our opinion, this news has been distorted and it seems as if three days
before 'Umar's murder (which in fact was three days before 'Umar's
death and after his being wounded), Ka'b had told him, “You will die
within three days, so ask God not to die.” Interestingly, it has been
said that Ka'b came on the second day and said, “One day is left.” This
news seems to be right.
Now, let's go to Tabari's report which is
the distorted form of the original news and has been quoted from Miswar
Ibn Makhrama. He says, “After Abu Lu'lu''s negotiations with 'Umar over
his taxes and 'Umar's request from him for building a mill, Abu Lu'lu'
threatened him sarcastically.
The day after that, Ka'b al-Ahbar went to the caliph and said, “Make your will; you will die three days from now.”
'Umar asked, “Have you seen my name in the Torah?”
Ka'b said, “No, but I've seen your description and that your life has come to its end.”
'Umar did not feel any pain.
The
next day, Ka'b came and said, “One day of the three days has passed and
two days remain.” Again, Ka'b came the other day and said, “Two days
are gone and one day and one day are left.” The next morning, Abu Lu'lu'
attacked 'Umar at the mosque and dealt six blows on him. [406]
The
above news is evident in that Ka'b knew of 'Umar's murder beforehand,
but when this news is compared with that of Ibn Sa'd, we realize that
the story was such, Having adopted the news of the Israelian king and
the prophet of his time, Ka'b came to 'Umar after he had been wounded
and told him that story from the Torah and the three days.
Incidentally,
'Umar passed away on the third day after being injured. However later,
the news underwent some changes to sound unnatural. This could have been
intentional to gain some credit for the caliph by relying on Muslims'
fascination with the divine news of the people of scriptures.
The
quotation that after 'Umar's injury, Ka'b had told him if he called on
God to delay his death, He would do so [407], is a proof to the
comparison made by Ka'b between 'Umar and the Israelian king. Out of his
interests in the caliph, Ka'b advised him to ask God to delay his death
so that he could live for fifteen more years.
As said earlier,
despite the existence of quotations from Tabari and others, historians
did not have any suspicions about Ka'b al-Ahbar. We believe that the
true story was something else but the reason for the historian's belief
in Ka'b was their real trust in him and the caliph's virtues.
Meanwhile,
some of the new Sunnites researchers who are influenced by
anti-Israelism have ignored 'Umar's trust in Ka'b and have interpreted
the above-mentioned news as a Jewish plot to murder 'Umar. [408] One of
these writers has named Ka'b al-Ahbar as the mastermind of 'Umar's
murder, saying he had instigated Abu Lu'lu' to kill 'Umar. His sources
are the news of Tabari and the quotation mentioned by Ibn Athir from
Tabari. [409]
About the caliph's murder, what has been clearly
reported in history indicates that this issue was solely related to
'Umar and Abu Lu'lu' and the motive behind the act was, at least it
appears so, that the murderer felt some injustice had been done to him
and he had been overcharged.
He complained to 'Umar in this
regard. But, the caliph said that the money taken from him was not so
much compared to his abilities and skills and naturally, his income.
Some time later, the assassination occurred and it could be natural that
the incident was totally or partially related to the argument which had
taken place earlier between the murderer and the caliph.
Mas'udi reports the incident as such, 'Umar did not allow non-Arabs to arrive in Medina. [410]
Mughira
wrote to him, “I have a servant who has been a painter, blacksmith and
carpenter and can be useful for the people of Medina. If you agree, I
shall send him to you.” 'Umar agreed and Abu Lu'lu' came to Medina.
Mughira got two dhms from him per day. Once, Abu Lu'lu' went to 'Umar
and complained about the heavy tax.
'Umar said, “What works do you do?”
Abu Lu'lu' explained his works as a painter, iron-smith and carpenter.
'Umar said, “Considering the jobs you do, your tax is not so much.”
After
a few days, 'Umar asked Abu Lu'lu' to build a windmill for him. Abu
Lu'lu' said he would build such a windmill for 'Umar that all people
would talk about it! 'Umar smelled threat from these words but said
nothing.
It was after this encounter that Abu Lu'lu' murdered
'Umar at dawn in a mosque. He injured twelve others six,of whom died
later. Then, he killed himself with a sword. [411] Mas'udi said Abu
Lu'lu' was a Jew but some sources have termed him as a Christian. [412]
This story shows that the murder was personally motivated. [413]
Abu
Lu'lu' has been quoted as saying that apparently, after 'Umar did not
respond to his protest, he said, “How is it that the caliph's justice
covers everyone except me?” [414] Among his motives, one can also notice
the point that Abu Lu'lu' wanted to take revenge in this way because
Iranians felt defeated at the hands of Muslims. However, the evidence
for this claim is lacking.
There are several possibilities about
who had incited Abu Lu'lu'. One is 'Ubayd Allah, the son of 'Umar.
Claiming that Hurmuzan was Abu Lu'lu' accomplice in the incident and he
had seen them together the previous day, 'Ubayd Allah killed Hurmuzan as
well as Abu Lu'lu''s wife and daughter.
He had no reason for this
act and naturally, had to be killed as Qisas, retaliation for the
murder of three people for whose blood there was no supporter but the
government. Even Ya'qubi says 'Umar had recommended that 'Ubayd Allah
receive the Qisas! [415] But 'Uthman did not agree and said, “People
will say, yesterday they killed the father and today, the son. [416]
The
second guess coming from the caliph, himself, was that maybe some of
the Muhajirun were involved in the murder. So, he sent Ibn 'Abbas to
them and asked, أعن ملأ منكم؟ “Did you order my murder?” And they said,
معاذ الله! ما علمنا وما اطلعنا [417] “God forbid! We did not know and
were not aware of it.”
The date of the caliph's passing has been
reported as the 26th or 27th of Dhi l-Hajja in the year 23 A.H whereas,
he was only 55 years old. [418] Although elsewhere, Mu'awiya has been
quoted as saying that he was 63 years old. [419] This forging may have
been done to show that he died at the same age of Prophet Muhammad (S).
In
his last days when he had been wounded, 'Umar seemed not be so
satisfied with his worldly life. He repeatedly said, يا ليتني لم أك
شيئاً، ليت لم تلدني أمي، ليتني كنت نسياً، يا ليتني كنت حائكاً اعيش من
عمل يدي [420] “I wish I were nothing. I wish my mother had not given
birth to me. I wish I had been forsaken. I wish I were a weaver and
would earn my own living.”
Notes:
[307] al-Ibana ‘An shari‘a
al-firqa al-Najiya, vol. I, p. 415; ‘Aqida As-Salaf Ashab al-hadith,
Abu ‘Uthman Isma‘il Ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman As-Sabuni, pp 67-68
[308]
Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 225; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj
al-Balaghah, vol. XII, pp 121-122; al-Fa’iq fi gharib al-hadith, vol. I,
pp 433-434(above translation in brief
[309] Ibn Abi l-Hadid presents a worse justification, vol. XII, p. 124
[310] Muqaddamihyi bar Tarikh tadwin hadith (An Introduction to History of Compiling Hadith) by the author of the same context
[311] Minawi, Translation of Kililih wa Dimnih, p. 4
[312] al-Taratib al-idariyya, vol. I, p. 228; al-«ďah, p. 97
[313]
al-Ghadir, vol. VI, pp 83-85 from, Sunan Abu Dawud, vol. I, p. 53;
Sunan Ibn Maja, vol. I, p. 200; Musnad Ahmad, vol. IV, p. 265; Sunan
Nasa’i, vol. I, pp 59 and 61; Sunan Biyhaqi, voil I, p. 209 and other
sources
[314] Futuh Misr wa Akhbaruha, p. 249
[315] Musnad Ahmad, vol. I, pp 190 and 195
[316]
al-Ghadir, vol. VIU, pp 178-180 from, Musnad Ahmad, vol. I, p. 314;
Sahih Muslim, vol. I, p. 574; Sunan Biyhaqi, ol VII, P. 336; Mustadrak
Hakim, vol. II, p. 196; Tafsir Qurubi, vol. III, p. 130; Irshad As-Sari,
vol. VIII, p. 127; Durr al-Manthur, vol. I, p. 279 and other sources
[317] al-Muwatta’, vol. II, p. 12
[318]
See the sources in works of the Sunnites in, al-Ghadir, vol. VI, pp
198-213 and more, Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. I, pp 716-720
[319]
Iman as-Sajjad(a) said: “Due to people remaining strong in Jihad, ‘Umar
removed the sentence, حي علي خيرالعمل “Haste for good deed” From Azan;
Kitab al-‘ulum, vol. I, p. 92
[320] As-Sirat al-halabiyya, vol. II, p. 110
[321] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 281
[322] Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. I, p. 181
[323] ²ahr al-Islam,vol. IV, p. 38
[324] Tarikh al-’Arab wa l-Islam, p. 88
[325] Jami‘ al-bayan al-‘ilm wa Faďla, vol. II, pp 79-72
[326]
‘Umar said this on Yawm al-khamis event when the Prophet asked for pen
and paper to write something to prevent people from going astray after
he is dead About the sources, ‘Ali-Bukhari, Kitab al-‘Ulum, Bab Kitab
al-‘Ulum; Kitab al-Jihad, Bab Hal yastashfa‘ Ila ahl al-dhamma wa bab
Ikhraj al-yahud min jazira al-’Arab; Kitab hglaghazi; Bab maraď al-Nabi;
Kitab al-Marďa, Bab qawl al-Mariď: Qumu ‘Anni, kitab hg-I‘tisam, Bab
kirahiyya al-khalaf, al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, p. 438 and
439; Musnad Ahmad, vol. I, p. 336; Dala’il al-Nubuwwa, vol. VII,p. 183;
Jami‘ al-bayan al-‘ilm, vol. I, p. 77; Kanz al-‘Ummal, vol. X,p. 292,
hadith, 29475; for more sources, Tadwin As-Sunna Ash-Sharifa, Fihrist
MusTalahat, under, Hasbuna kitab Allah
[327] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XII, pp 82-90
[328] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 150; Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 305; al-Futuh, vol. I, p. 157
[329] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 153
[330]
Taratib al-idariyya, vol. I, p. 227 Some believe the Prophet has
initiated preparing administrative tribunal Ibid p. 228 Some others
consider ‘Umar’s policy in preparing it affected by monarchy system
Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 209 Some people regard it to be influenced
by the Sassanid government; al-Fakhri, p. 38
[331] Kattani writes
in defining administrative tribunal, دفتر يكتب فيه أسماء اهل العطاء
والعساكر على القبائل والبطون He had an account book in which he
registered names of those who deserve to be gifted according to tribes
Taratib al-idariyya, vol. I, p. 225
[332] Taratib al-idariyya, vol. I, p. 226
[333] Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 222
[334] Ahsan al-taqasim, p. 18
[335] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 154
[336] al-Muqaddama, Chapter of the ‘Ilm al-tafsir
[337] al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. VI, p. 111
[338]
Ibid vol. XI, p. 111; Lisan al-Mizan, vol. II, p. 408; Nathr ad-Durr,
vol. I, p. 207; Gharib al-hadith, vol. IV, pp 48-49; Sunan al-Darimi,
vol. I, p. 116; al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. VI, pp 112-113; Majma‘
al-zawa’id, vol. I, pp 172-173; Taqyid al-‘ilm, p. 52(in the footnote),
Jami‘ al-bayan al-‘ilm, vol. II, p. 42; Usd al-ghaba, vol. IU, p. 235;
vol. III, p. 126; Zamm al-Kalam, p. 64
[339] al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. VI, p. 113
[340] al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. VI, p. 114; vol. XI, p. 110
[341]
Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. I, p. 66; al-Muntakhab Min Dhiyl
al-Mudhayyal, p. 504, It is quoted from Ka‘b al-Ahbar sayting to
Mu‘awiya, “‘Umar al-Faruq ” is titled in Torah Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq,
vol. XXI, P. 186
[342] ِAbout his life, Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol.
VII, pp 446-447; Tahdhib al-kamal, vol. XXIV, p. 193; Hilyat al-awliya’,
vol. VI, p. 45; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXI, pp 181-182; Siyar
’A‘lam al-Nubala’, vol. III, p. 489
[343] Aďwa’ ‘ala l-sunna al-Muhammadiyya, p. 148, footnoteIII
[344]
More than others, Abu Na‘im Isfahani has quoted one hundred pages from
him under his biography section in Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. V and VI
[345]
In recent times, Mahmud Aburiyya more than any other researcher has
talked about negative role of Ka‘b al-Ahbar and the like on outbreak of
the Israelites Aďwa’ ‘ala l-sunna al-Muhammadiyya, pp 145-194
[346] Siyar ’A‘lam al-Nubala’, vol. II, p. 490
[347] al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. II, p. 123
[348] al-Futuh, vol. IV, pp 326-328; Bihar al-anwar, vol. XXXXV, p. 315
[349]
Aďwa’ ‘ala l-sunna al-Muhammadiyya, p. 148; quoted from Tarikh
at-Tabari, Biyhaqi as well as al-Isti‘ab, vol. II, p. 533; al-Islam wa
l-Hiďara al-’Arabiyya, p. 164
[350] Ansab al-Ashraf, al-juz’ al-thalith, p. 7
[351] Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. VI, p. 44 vol. V, p. 365
[352] al-Bad’ wa l-Tarikh, vol. III, p. 26
[353] Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. VI, p. 23; al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. XI, p. 251
[354] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, pp 59-60
[355] Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. V, p. 391
[356] Tarikh makka, vol. I, p. 40
[357] Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. V, pp 391, 381 and 371; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXI, p. 185
[358] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXI, p. 181; Ma‘rifat As-Sahaba, vol. I, p. 233
[359] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. II, p. 262
[360] Siyar ’A‘lam al-Nubala’, vol. III, pp 393-394 quoted from Tarikh Ibn Abi l-Khaythama
[361] al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. VI, pp 110 and 112
[362] Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. V, p. 390
[363] Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. I, p. 44; Al_Mahasin wa l-masawi, vol.,I, p. 123
[364] Mu‘jam al-Buldan, vol.,I, p. 48; al-Munta¨am, vol. VIII, P. 70
[365]
Bahjat al-Majalis, vol. I, p. 48; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXI,
p. 185; al-Jawhar al-Nafis fi Siyasa al-ri’is, p. 114
[366] Bahjat al-Majalis, vol. I, p. 159
[367]
Bahjat al-Majalis, ol I, p. 368; Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. V, p. 389;
Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 125 Ka‘b’s policy was that when ‘Umar or Abu
Hurayra or others spoke against his taste, he said, “The very word is
cited in the Torah He said about Abu Hurayra, “I have never seen anyone
like Abu Hurayra who has not read the Torah but his words accord with it
this much ´Aďwa’ ‘ala l-sunna al-Muhammadiyya, p. 207 from Taďkira
al-huffa¨
[368] Maqamat al-‘Ulama’ bayn yaday al-khulafa’ wa l-’Umara’, p. 163
[369]
al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. XI, p. 251 Ka‘b praised Damascus very
much in front of Medina and Mecca This is somewhat religiously and
Jewishly rooted and is of a political motive to some extent for
strengthening Mu‘awiya They may have been later fabricated by the Umayya
[370] Nisa’, p. 56
[371] Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. V, p. 375
[372] al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. VII, p. 59
[373]
al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya vol. VIII, p. 110, Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol.
XXI, p. 187 Aburiyya has said accordingly, “‘Umar initially paid
attention to his speech but later he found his weakness ‘Aďwa’, p.
152-153 As mentioned in the context, there are plenty of examples
showing ‘Umar’s giving him freedom of speech
[374] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol.,III, p. 1081
[375] al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol.,VI, p. 114
[376]
Gharib al-hadith, vol. IV, p. 262; al-Fa’iq fi Gharib al-hadith, vol.
I, p. 651, إن كنت تعلم أن فيه التوراة الّتي أنزلها الله على موسى عليه
السلام بطور سيناء فاقرأها آناء الليل والنهار
[377] Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. VI, p. 7
[378]
Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. VII, pp 57 and
650, al-Manar al-Munif, pp 89-90; ‘Aďwa’, pp 166-167 Once Ibn ‘Abbas
hearing Ka‘b speak, اما تركت اليهودية؟ Al-Kaf Ash-Shaf, p. 139 quoted
from, ‘Aďwa’, p. 165
[379] Ma‘rifat As-Sahaba, vol. I, p. 205(in
its footnote); al-Mu‘jam al-kabir, vol. I, p. 20; Majma‘ al-zawa’id,
vol. IX, p. 61; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 336
[380] Ma‘rifat As-Sahaba, vol. I, p. 213
[381]
Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 1078-1079; Tarikh
al-khulafa’, p. 121 Someone who forged the news had a moderate belief
towards ‘Uthman and ‘Ali (a) In a similar quotation we read, ‘Umar sent
for Ka‘b al-Ahbar and he was asked, “How do find my attributes in
Torah?” Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. VI, pp 25-26
[382] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, pp 1079-1080
[383]
Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XII, pp 80-81; elsewhere
it is quoted that the Jews came to ‘Umar and said, “A verse has been
called to you, if it were called to us, we would celebrate the day of
call The verse reads, اليَوْمَ أَكْمَلْتُ لَكُمْ دِينَكُمْ… I
complemented your religion ‘Umar said, “Yes, I do remember that thr
verse was sent on the day of “‘Arafa”(9th of Dhi Hajja) to the Prophet!!
al-Qand fi Tarikh Samarqand, pp 434-435
[384] al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. VII, p. 529
[385]
Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, pp 24-25; Tarikh at-Tabari, vol.
IV, p. 434; al-Niza‘ wa l-takhasum, p. 78; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, p.
495, No 1278; al-Bad’ wa l-Tarikh, vol. V, p. 208; al-Kamil wa l-Tarikh,
vol. III, p. 123
[386] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p. 77
[387] al-Futuh, vol. I, p. 228
[388] Usd al-ghaba, vcol V, p. 199
[389] Buhuth ma‘a ahl As-Sunna wa l-salafiyya, p. 97; As-Sahih Min Sira al-Nabi ’A‘¨am (S), vol. I, p. 27
[390]
Taqyid al-‘ilm, p. 50(in its footnote); Jami‘ al-bayan al-‘ilm, vol. I,
p. 64; Kanz al-‘Ummal, vol. V, p. 239; Dham al-kalam, p. 63; in another
manner in, Taqyid al-‘ilm, p. 51; Taďkira al-huffa¨, vol. I, p. 5; Kanz
al-‘Ummal, vol. I, p. 174
[391] Gharib al-hadith, vol. IV, pp 48-49; vol. III, pp 28-29
[392]
Abu Hurayra says, “As long as ‘Umar lived, we never dared say, قال رسول
الله The Prophet (S) said, al-Bidaya wa’l-Nihaya, vol. VIII, p. 110
[393]
Taqyid al-‘ilm, p. 31 لا تكتبوا عني شيئاً الا القرآن… وحدثوا عن بني
اسرائيل ولا حرج Quote me just about Quran and unworriedly speak about
Banu Isra‘il
[394] Gharib al-hadith, vol. IV, p. 48; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. VI, pp 110,112
[395] Pazhuhishi darbariyi naqshih dini wa Ijtima‘i qissI khanan dar Tarikh Islam, Qum, 1991
[396]
Musnad Ahmad, vol. III, p. 449; al-Qussas wa l-mudhakkirin, p. 22;
Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. V, p. 321; Tarikh al-Madinat
al-Munawwara, vol. I, p. 186
[397] al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq,
vol. III, p. 219; Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. I, p. 11;
al-KhiTaT al-Maqriziyya, vol. II, p. 253; Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol.
V, p. 321
[398] al-Mufassal fi Tarikh al-’Arab qabl al-Islam, vol. VIII, p. 378
[399] al-Qussas wa l-mudhakkirin, p. 22
[400] al-Hayawan, vol. IV, pp 202-203
[401] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, pp 334-374, Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, pp 888-891
[402]
Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. V, p. 388, vol. VI, p. 13; See the detailed
form in, Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 392; Tarikh
al-khulafa’, p. 133
[403] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 342; Ibn
Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. XII, p. 191; al-Imamah
wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 40
[404] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 322; Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 140; Hilyat al-awliya’, vol. VI, p. 23
[405] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 354; Tarikh al-Khulafa’, p. 154
[406]
Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 191; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. III, p.
26; Nihayat al-’irab, vol. XIX, p. 374 The same report is quoted by Ibn
Shabba with a little difference ‘Abd al-‘Aziz Ibn ‘Umar Ibn ‘Abd
al-Rahman Ibn ‘Awf is the person commonly mentioned in Tarikh
at-Tabari’s and Ibn Shabba’s references Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara,
vol. III, p. 891
[407] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 361; ‘Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. X, p. 225
[408]
It seems Aburiyya, before everyone else, has mentioned this thanks to
Tarikh at-Tabari’s reports ’Aďwa’ ‘ala l-sunna al-Muhammadiyya, pp
153-155; Fi l-‘ubur al-hiďari “Ka‘b al-Ahbar”, pp 200-204
[409] Athar ahl al-kitab fi l-fitan wa l-hurub al-ahliyya, pp 237,240
[410]
According to sources, ‘Umar never let mature Arabs enter Medina As a
matter of fact, the same man who was permitted to enter Medina, embraced
on killing the caliph Afterwards, ‘Umar reproached those who agreed on
entering of these people into Medina and called them his murder Tarikh
al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, pp 889,903,904; al-Nihaya fi Gharib
al-hadith, vol. III, p. 286 Those disagreeing with him said that Medina
would be renewed just because of entry of the ‘Alwaj
[411] Muruj
al-dhahab, vol. II, pp 320-321; Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II,
p. 888; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 345; Ibn Juzi, Manaqib ‘Umar, p.
210
[412] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, p. 190
[413]
Therefore, it seems unjust for any sect to defend him, although some
traditionally knew him a Muslim, believing that his murder arises from
religious differences al-Bad’ wa l-Tarikh, vol. V, p. 194
[414] Hayat al-hayawan, vol. I, p. 51
[415] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 161
[416] Tarikh Guzidih, p. 186
[417]
Tarikh Guzidih, p. 184; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 348; ‘Abd
al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, vol. VI, p. 52; Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara,
vol. II, p. 904
[418] Ibn Qutayba, al-Ma‘arif, p. 183; For other sources, Ma‘rifat As-Sahaba, vol. I, from 194 on
[419] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, p. 53
[420]
al-zuhd wa l-raqa’iq, pp 79-80,145,146; Bahjat al-Majalis, vol. II, p.
399; Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 115; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, pp
360-361; Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 920; Sheykh Mufid,
al-Amali, p. 50
