Umar
was from the Banu 'Adi tribe, one of the branches of the Quraysh. His
mother, Hantama, was the daughter of Hashim Ibn Mughira from the Banu
Makhzum clan. Banu Makhzum was another branch of the Quraysh and an ally
of the Umayya in the Dark Age. Unlike Abu Bakr, 'Umar converted to
Islam years after the ordainment of Prophet Muhammad (S).
Many sources say he converted in the sixth year of the Prophethood of
Prophet Muhammad (S). Mas'udi says he converted four years before Hijra,
i.e. the ninth year of the Prophethood of Prophet Muhammad (S). [198]
'Umar was present in wars and events in Medina, although history has
recorded no specific memory about him. When his daughter, Hafsa, became
the Prophet's wife, his relations with the Messenger of God were
reinforced.
In this connection, he was like Abu Bakr. We wrote that the Prophet (S)
made them brothers by contract. [199] They were inseparable throughout
the entire life of the Prophet (S). They held common stances in the
developments of Saqifa and it was because of 'Umar's insistence on
stabilizing Abu Bakr's caliphate that Imam 'Ali (a) accused him of
working for his own future. [200] This was well justified for others.
When Abu Bakr handed over the oath of caliphate to him and asked him to
read it for the people, someone asked him, “What is in this letter?”
He replied, “I do not know for sure, but I shall be the first one to
obey it!” The person said, “But I know what it is.” أمّرته عام أوّل
وأمّرك العام “The first year you appointed him caliph and the second
year, he installed you as the caliph of Muslims.” [201]
The above quotation shows that people were aware of the political bond
between these two. Apparently, people saw one way of thinking throughout
the caliphate of Abu Bakr in these two persons. In other words, they
believed that 'Umar's caliphate was the continuation of Abu Bakr's and
that their caliphate was a single administration.
Qays Ibn Abi Hazim says, “I saw 'Umar in the mosque, with a stick of
date branch in his hand trying to make people sit down. Abu Bakr's
servant, named Shudayd, came to the mosque and read a message from Abu
Bakr and then, 'Umar mounted the pulpit.” [202] “It is true to say that
Abu Bakr would not be a caliph if it were not for 'Umar. [203]
When Abu Bakr wanted to appoint Khalid Ibn Sa'id as commander of the
army, 'Umar managed to change his mind because Khalid swore allegiance
to Abu Bakr only three months after the Saqifa gathering. [204] Abu Bakr
used to say he loved 'Umar more than others.” [205]
'Umar addressed Ibn 'Abbas and said, “Indeed, if Abu Bakr did not
believe me, he would set aside your share of the government, and in that
case, your tribesmen (Quraysh) would hate you.” [206] It was this
belief in 'Umar that made Abu Bakr write an accord appointing 'Umar as
his successor. Once he said, “I appointed 'Umar to succeed me because I
was afraid of eruption of any tension.” [207]
Before the appointment of 'Umar, Abu Bakr consulted 'Abd al-Rahman Ibn
'Awf. He praised the caliph and said 'Umar was a quick-tempered man. Abu
Bakr said, “He shows to be so in contrast with my tender-heartedness.
He will calm down when he takes power.” Abu Bakr consulted 'Uthman, too.
He said, ”'Umar's nature is better than his countenance.” [208] This is
all the consultation Abu Bakr made with the nobles of the Quraysh before
appointing 'Umar.
'Uthman was always present in the caliph's bedside during his sickness.
Abu Bakr asked him to write the contract of succession on his behalf.
After the beginning of the contract was written, Abu Bakr fell into coma
and 'Uthman who knew his assignment, finished the oath and wrote the
name of 'Umar in it. After regaining consciousness, Abu Bakr asked
'Uthman to read what he had written.
He did so and Abu Bakr approved it. [209] Following this, Talha came to
Abu Bakr and said, “You witnessed how 'Umar behaves beside you and with
your presence. Then, we do not know what he will do without you.” Abu
Bakr was angered by his objection. [210]
Another quotation says the people objected to Abu Bakr for appointing a
bad-tempered man to rule them. [211] According to Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, Abu
Bakr asked Mu'ayqab al-Rusi about the people's opinion regarding the
appointment of 'Umar and he replied, “Some are satisfied, some are not.”
Abu Bakr said, “Which group is greater in number?”
He said, “Those who are dissatisfied.”
Abu Bakr said, “The truth always shows its ugly face first, but it is
finally the winner.” [212] 'Umar, himself, in his first sermon said he
was aware of the fact that some people hated his caliphate. [213] Ibn
Qutayba has said that after hearing the news of Abu Bakr's death,
Muslims in Damascus expressed their concern over 'Umar's likely coming
to power and said, “If 'Umar assumes power, he will not be our “master”
and we will topple him.” [214]
Abu Bakr did not make any serious consultations about 'Umar's caliphate.
[215] He believed that many of the Muhajirun were thinking about
occupying the seat of caliphate. Once he told 'Abd al-Rahman Ibn 'Awf
that many men of Muhajirun were yearning for the seat of caliphate since
the start of his caliphate. [216] In his deathbed, Abu Bakr warned
'Umar about the Muhajirun and their greed for ruling. [217]
Abu Bakr's act of setting an age for caliphate, the principle of
“succession” became legitimate in the political jurisprudence of the
Sunnites sect. However, according to Sunnites sources, this had no
background in the Prophet's biography. The succession rule shares two
pillars of hereditary government. In a hereditary government, the first
pillar is succession and the second pillar is family and hereditary
advantages. Its first pillar in the caliphate's biography took on a
legitimate form. Just as Muhammad Rashid Riďa has noted, this brought
about hereditary caliphate in the time of the Umayya. [218]
Abu Bakr's written oath practically appointed 'Umar as the caliph.
Therefore, the people's allegiance could not be influential in his
reign. Finally, we should say that the people's disagreement did not
mean he could not be a caliph.
This was indeed a sort of swearing obedience and loyalty to caliph.
'Umar, himself, believed that Abu Bakr's selection as the caliph of
Muslims was impromptu and that the government had to be undertaken at
the consultation of the believers, but he sat on the seat of caliphate
based on an oath. He criticized the way of selecting Abu Bakr but did
not say anything about his own odd way of assuming power.
The Caliph’s Character
The caliph was a quick-tempered man [219] and an extremist [220] and
both characteristics seriously affected his political and administrative
career. Management to him was some kind of strictness by which he did
his best to maintain control over the Bedouin Arabs. His inner being was
easily detectable in his thoughts and deeds during the lifetime of the
Prophet of Islam.
We know that in the war of Badr, he asked the Prophet (S) to kill all
captives. His harsh treatment with Suhayl Ibn 'Amr, in the case of the
Hudaybiyya peace deal, has been recorded in history. He also held
extreme stances against the Hudaybiyya peace accord. On his first day of
caliphate, he said, “O God! I am hot-tempered. Soften my behavior!”
[221]
He knew he could not live without his lash. Therefore, he was the first
one in Islam who took the lash of “Dirra” in his hand. [222] They have
said his cane was more horrendous than the sword of Hajjaj. [223]
As said, Talha objected to Abu Bakr as to why he imposed 'Umar upon them
knowing that he is hot-tempered. [224]
According to Ibn Shubba, a man told 'Umar, “People are mad at you; they
hate you.”
'Umar asked, ” why.”
He replied, “They complain of your tongue and cane!” [225]
One day, Zubayr's slave was standing in prayers after evening prayers
when he saw 'Umar approaching him with his Dirra (cane). The slave fled
right then but 'Umar caught him. The slave said, “I'll never do so
again!” [226]
After the death of Yazid Ibn Abi Sufyan, 'Umar proposed marrying his
wife but she did not accept because she believed 'Umar was ill-tempered
when both leaving and entering the house. [227] Even 'Ayisha who had
close relations with the caliph, prevented his marriage with her sister
for the same reason. [228] 'Abd al-Razzaq San'ani quoted Ibrahim Nakha'i
as saying that some day 'Umar was passing near a group of women when he
smelled a perfume.
He said, “If only I knew whose perfume this is. Then, I would know what
to do with her. Women should wear perfume for their husbands only.”
According to the same story, the woman who had worn perfume urinated out
of fear [229] and another woman who saw her had a miscarriage. [230]
As a matter of fact, no one dared ask a question from 'Umar and he
preferred to do it through 'Uthman or someone else. [231]
'Umar considered the criterion of strictness in selecting his rulers for
the states. [232] He did not show mercy to offenders, no matter what
tribe they belonged to. This made Jabala Ibn 'Ayham, a ruler of
Damascus, who had committed a fault flee from Mecca to Damascus and turn
away from Islam. [233]
Even governors and the caliph's children were not immune to his wrath.
One day, he beat up one of his sons for the exquisite garment he had put
on and the son burst into tears. When Hafsa objected, 'Umar said, “He
was acting proudly and I punished him to belittle him.” [234]
He beat one of his children to death for drinking wine. [235]
Apparently, 'Amr Ibn 'As had lashed him in Egypt for the same reason and
on his return to Medina, his father beat him to death. When he was
about to die, he told his father, “You killed me!”
'Umar said, “If you should see God, tell Him we observe his punishment
(Hadd) on earth.” [236] His severe treatment raised public hatred and
dissatisfaction. The people asked 'Abd al-Rahman Ibn 'Awf to talk to him
in this regard and tell him that girls fear him even in their houses.
'Umar replied, “People will not be reformed except with this method;
otherwise, they will even strip me of my clothes.” [237] He, himself,
admitted that people feared him because of his harshness. [238] In
essence, the same treatments could stop public disagreement on his
approach. [239] When the Prophet (S) ordered men not to beat their
wives, 'Umar asked the Prophet (S) to let men beat their wives like in
the past but he did not accept. [240]
We said that 'Umar's concept of religion had made an extremist out of
him. Punishing his son to death for drinking wine was one example. He
was very strict towards women and did not let them attend morning and
evening congregational prayers. He did not have sensible military
courage but he attached special significance to Jihad. [241]
This is why he omitted “Hayya 'Ala Khayr al-'Amal” (Rush to the best
deed) from Adhan (the call to prayers, under the pretext that people
would not go to the holy war. Of course, he added a good part to Adhan
and that was saying, “Prayer is better than sleep”. Iman as-Sajjad and
'Abd Allah Ibn 'Umar considered “Hayya 'Ala Khayr al-'Amal” (hasten to
good deed) obligatory in Adhan [242] and Abu Hanifa believed that
“as-Salat Khayr min al-Nawm” (Prayer is better than sleep) should be
told after Adhan because it is not part of it. [243]
'Umar was harsh in his conduct with people. This contradicted the fact
that he tried to rule as a caliph and not as a Sultan. 'Utba Ibn
Ghazwan, who served as ruler of Basra for six months only, and was
indeed commander of Muslim forces in Basra made a very illustrative
speech.
He points to the economic problems in the time of the Prophet of Islam
and the poverty of his companions, he drew a comparison with the time of
'Umar and said each one of the companions had become an emir of a city.
“There is no prophethood not to be abolished by the “land”. I will take
refuge in God when prophets turn to be “kings” and I will seek God's
shelter when I feel a great man in myself but be despicable in view of
people. You will soon see emirs coming after us, and you will know them
soon and will deny them.” [244]
It was a general attitude that time and many people were sure that the
caliphate would turn into kingdom. 'Umar, himself, used to say he
wondered whether he was a caliph or a king. Ka'b al-Ahbar assured him he
was a caliph and that he had found his name in the divine books! [245]
Apparently, Abu Bakr imagined himself a king. [246]
Despite 'Umar's harsh behavior, many dared criticize him. When Bilal was
getting ready to say the Adhan, 'Umar objected to him, saying it was
not time for prayers, but Bilal responded, “I knew the time when you
were more astray than the ass of your tribe.” [247]
'Umar used to say, “Guide me if you see a fault in me.”
A Bedouin Arab replied, “We will guide you with a sword if we see a
fault in you.” Hearing this, 'Umar thanked God that there was somebody
in the tribe to guide him by force. [248] On the contrary, 'Ayisha,
daughter of 'Uthman, believed that 'Umar's roughness prevented ordinary
people from criticizing him. [249]
'Umar himself, believed that the best policy for leading Muhammad's
nation was to act with power and not by force, to be soft but not lax,
to bestow but not go to extremes, and to have abstinence but without
stinginess. [250]
His strictness showed its signs in the economic segment as well. He
preferred a simple life for himself and for his functionaries and
family. It appears that the Prophet's lifestyle was still common among
people and some of the emirs. 'Umar had an extremist pious understanding
of religion.
A sign of this was his understanding of the verses, “ أَذْهَبْتُمْ
طَيِّبَاتِكُمْ فِي حَيَاتِكُمْ الدُّنْيَا. ” “You selfishly used your
pure gifts in your worldly life,” that allows Muslims to be so. Of
course, he was objected to for this and when he learned that the verse
concerned infidels, [251]
he accepted it. His pious life did not mean that he had no wealth during
his caliphate;, but rather, it has been mentioned in sources that 'Umar
was among the wealthiest of the Quraysh. [252]
Someone asked Nafi', “Was 'Umar in debt?”
Nafi' said, “How could he be in debt when one of his inheritors, alone,
sold his inheritance at 100000 dhms (Dirham or Dinar?)? [253] 'Umar had
set his wife's marriage portion at 4000 dhms. [254] Also once, he
bestowed tens of thousands of dhms from his original wealth to his
son-in-law. [255] More pious than 'Umar was Salman who warned him
against luxury life. [256]
‘Umar’s Functionaries
With the expansion of this period's conquests, vast lands fell under the
rule of the Medina government. Running these lands needed managers with
new values who could open the way for more conquests. In fact, the most
important point for the caliph and Muslims in those conditions was
further enlarging the conquered lands.
For running the affairs of border regions, mostly those people were
chosen who had enough military capability and experience. Thus, one of
the main criteria of the caliph for selecting a functionary was someone
with such an ability who could properly run the city and the region
under his control.
A list of 'Umar's functionaries in the cities was as follows.
Mecca, Muhriz Ibn Haritha Ibn 'Abd Shams; Qunfudh Ibn 'Umayr Taymi;
Nafi' Ibn 'Abd al-Harith Khuza'i; Khalid Ibn 'As Makhzumi;
Yemen, 'Abd Allah Ibn Abi Rabi'a Makhzumi
Bahrayn, 'Ala' Haďrami, Qudamat Ibn Maz'un, 'Uthman Ibn Abi l-'As, Abu
Hurayrah, Ayyash Ibn Abi Thawr
'Amman, Someone from the Ansar and then 'Uthman Ibn Abi l-'As
Basra, Shurayh Ibn 'Amir, 'Utba Ibn Ghazwan, Mughira Ibn Shu'ba, Abu
Musa Ash'ari
Yamama, Salama Ibn Sallama Ansari
Kufa, Sa'd Ibn Abi Waqqas, 'Ammar Ibn Yasir, Jubayr Ibn Mut'im,
Mughira Ibn Shu'ba
Ta'if, 'Uthman Ibn Abi l-'As, Sufyan Ibn 'Abd Allah Thaqafi
Greater Syria, Abu 'Ubayda Jarrah, Mu'adh Ibn Jabal, Yazid Ibn Abi
Sufyan, Mu'awiya Ibn Abi Sufyan [257]
Palestine, Yazid Ibn Abi Sufyan, 'Amr Ibn 'As
Egypt, 'Amr Ibn 'As
Hijaz and Adharbayjan, 'Ayaď Ibn Ghanam, Habib Ibn Maslama Fihri,
'Umayr Ibn Sa'd Ansari [258]
It has been stated that, for sometime, Salman used to rule Ctesiphon.
[259]
As indicated by the above-mentioned names, 'Umar selected few people
from among the companions to run the affairs. Once he was asked about
it, 'Umar answered he did not intend to corrupt them with executive
affairs. [260] This has been quoted by several historians. Most answers
are the same as mentioned. [261]
Sha'bi,who is the reliable source of the Sunnis, however says, ”'Umar
did not allow the Muhajir s to leave Medina and told them, “What I fear
most is that you will become scattered in towns and cities.” He has
added, “If any of them asked permission to go to war, 'Umar would say,
“As you have fought alongside the Prophet, that should suffice you.”
[262]
Also, Hasan Basri says, “If any of the companions wanted to leave
Medina, he had to seek 'Umar's permission.” [263] Preventing the
companions' exit, as some people have said, was not limited to the
Quraysh; rather, he basically prevented the exit of those companions who
could turn into a pivotal figure in any city and could somehow stand
against the caliph.
Another reason for his choices was found in that 'Umar wanted to prevent
the spread of the Prophet's hadiths in different towns and cities.
Khatib Baghdadi has narrated that 'Umar sent messages to Abu l-Darda'
Abu Mas'ud Ansari and 'Abd Allah Ibn Mas'ud, saying, “What are all these
hadiths you are quoting from Prophet Muhammad?” Later, these people
were not allowed to leave Medina [264] until 'Umar was killed.
According to the same quote, Qarďat Ibn Ka'b says, “When we were leaving
Medina, 'Umar saw us off. Then, he asked, “Do you know why I am seeing
you off? I wanted to tell you not to narrate the hadiths of the Prophet
for the people in the cities you go. I, too, am your partner.” Qarďat
says, “Afterwards, I did not narrate any more hadiths.” [265]
Preventing the exit of the companions and not employing them was a
policy 'Umar followed carefully. People such as Sha'bi sought the
problem of 'Uthman in his policy which was exactly the opposite of
'Umar's. It is said that once, Zubayr asked 'Umar to let him take part
in wars.'Umar responded, “I will not allow the companions of the Prophet
to go to different cities and mislead the people.” [266]
Also, it was once protested to him, “Why do you give the affairs to
people such as Yazid Ibn Abi Sufyan, Sa'id Ibn 'As, Mu'awiya and the
like who are from the˝مؤلفة قلوبهم˝ و˝طلقا˝ 'Those whose hearts are
captured as well as those who are the liberated ones but you avoid using
'Ali, 'Abbas, Zubayr and Talha?” 'Umar said he was afraid they would go
stir trouble in cities. [267]
Also, 'Abd al-Rahman Ibn 'Awf asked 'Umar, “Why don't you allow them to
go to jihad?” 'Umar said, “If I remain silent and refrain from answering
your question, it would be better.” [268] The unacceptable
justification of Ahmad Amin is that it was due to the importance of
Medina that 'Umar kept the Ansar in the city. [269] This viewpoint is
different from that of Sha'bi and Hasan Basri!
Ibn Sa'd says, ”'Umar appointed people such as 'Amr Ibn 'As, Mu'awiya
and Mughira, but not people like 'Uthman, 'Umar, Talha, Zubayr and 'Abd
al-Rahman Ibn 'Awf because the formers were strong and well-informed in
executive affairs. Moreover, 'Umar dominated them and was an awful
figure for them. When he was asked why he did not use the great
companions of the Prophet, he would say,أكره أن أدنّسَهم بالعمل “I
please not to taint them with action.” [270]
We previously referred to the caliph's behavior. He preferred strict
managers, even if they were not so virtuous. One of the problematic
cities for 'Umar was the newly established city of Kufa. For a period,
it was ruled by Sa'd Ibn Abi Waqqas who was removed following the
people's protests.
After him, 'Ammar Yasir came to power, but he, too, was accused of
impotence and 'Umar removed him. The next person was Jubayr Ibn Mut'im
who again failed to stay in office. At this time, when 'Umar was greatly
baffled, he asked Mughira who he saw suitable for ruling Kufa.
Mughira said, “Appoint me as the city's governor.”
'Umar answered, “You are a lewd man!”
Mughira said, “My efficiency is for you and my lewdness for myself.”
'Umar liked his response and appointed him as governor of Kufa. [271]
Before that, Mughira had ruled Basra for a while. There, he had illicit
relations with a married woman named Umm Jamil. This affair was so
explicit that four people saw him during adultery. But, only one of them
gave false testimony and that saved Mughira from being stoned.
Different sources are unanimous that 'Umar had asked the fourth person
to testify in such a manner. [272] 'Umar's policy of choosing such
people caused Hudhayfa Ibn Yaman to protest to the caliph about his
appointment of corrupt people.'Umar answered, “I use his power (in
running the affairs).” [273]
Also, once, someone ho was a governor of Abu Musa Ash'ari in a region of
Bahrayn, came to Medina. He asked Yarfa' Hajib, “What character does
'Umar like best?”
He answered, “Toughness.”
That man said, “When I attended the caliph's court, I took on a serious
expression. It was then that I realized 'Umar paid more attention to
me,” after a while, he asked me.
“Where are you working now?” I answered.
'Umar said, “From now on, you are appointed in that region directly by
me.” [274]
One important point about 'Umar's functionaries was his supervision over
their manner of treating people and the Bayt al-Mal or the public
treasury. 'Umar maintained a special control over them and recorded
their wealth at the start of their term in office.
In this concern, 'Umar considered almost all his functionaries [275] to
be guilty and halved their belongings when they returned from the region
of service. He gave half of the wealth to them and gave the other half
to the Bayt al-Mal. This act is called the “dividing in two halves of
the wealth.”
It was natural for 'Umar to believe that his functionaries had gathered
the wealth illegally, but as he did not know a particular way for
separating the legal from the illegal. He had decided to divide the
wealth as mentioned except in a few cases. One of these governors was
Abu Hurayra who ruled Bahrayn. When he returned from his mission, 'Umar
divided his wealth and ordered him to be punished. Then, 'Umar asked him
to go back to work! Abu Hurayra said he would not accept to return
because his money had been seized, he had been disgraced and he had been
beaten as well! [276]
'Amr Ibn 'As, too, saw his wealth divided. [277] Other people to have
the same fate were Abu Musa Ash'ari, Harith Ibn Ka'b and 'Utba Ibn
Sufyan who were in charge of collecting alms in Ta'if. [278]
Abu Bakra was another governor whose wealth was divided. He protested to
'Umar and said, “If all these riches belong to God, who don't you take
them all and if they are mine, why are you doing so, then?” [279]
As we said earlier, after dividing the wealth of his functionaries,
'Umar re-appointed them to their posts. Imam 'Ali has been quoted as
having the same protest of Abu Bakr about why the functionaries were
returned to work. One such instance was that one of 'Umar's
functionaries had returned from Yemen and was wearing an exquisite robe.
'Umar ordered his attire to be taken off and ordered him to return to
his post. [280]
Also, 'Umar once heard that his governor in the city of Hims had built a
nice house and had set a door- keeper for it. 'Umar sent someone to
burn the door of his house, but after a while, sent him back to work.
[281]
This act even trapped people such as Sa'd Ibn Abi Waqqas. Baladhuri has
provided a list of those governors whose wealth was divided, Nafi' Ibn
Harith, Nafi' Ibn Harith, Bushr Ibn Muhtafar, Jaz Ibn Mu'awiya, Khalid
Ibn Harith, Qays Ibn 'Asim, Samura Ibn Jundab, Mujashi' Ibn Mas'ud,
Shibl Ibn Ma'bad and Abu Maryam Ibn Muhrash. These people, as said by
Baladhuri, were mostly responsible for collecting alms in the cities.
[282] Of course, the names of people such as Salman and 'Ammar Ibn Yasir
are included on the list.
Controlling his functionaries was a principle in 'Umar's policies. This
supervision mostly focused on the financial aspect. When 'Umar heard
that 'Amr Ibn 'As had taken some money from the Bayt al-Mal, he wrote to
him, “I knew people from the Muhajirun who were much better than you,
but I appointed you thinking that you had little need.” After that,
'Umar sent Muhammad Ibn Maslama to divide the wealth of 'Amr Ibn 'As.
[283]
Another quotation says once 'Umar heard that 'Ayaď Ibn Ghanam was living
a luxurious life, wearing exquisite clothes and eating delicious meals.
He sent Muhammad Ibn Maslama to fetch him. When 'Ayaď came, 'Umar gave
him a walking stick and a robe. Then, he tasked him with taking three
hundred sheep to the pasture. He was looking after the sheep for two
months.
Once, 'Ayaď decided to get rid of his situation with the mediation of
'Umar's wife. When 'Umar found out, he harshly told his wife, “This is
not your business! You are a mere means of joy that is discarded after
having fun. [284] Now, you are meddling in the affairs of me and
Muslims?” Then, with 'Uthman's arbitration, 'Umar sent 'Ayaď back to his
post and committed him not to return to his previous situation. [285]
Sometimes, 'Umar would go to the house of his agents, accompanied by
someone. He would remain silent and his friend would ask permission for
entry. Then, he entered the house unexpectedly and this way, he tried to
supervise their way of life. [286] In one occasion, he heard that Sa'd
Ibn Abi Waqqas had built a palace and had set a portal for the building.
'Umar sent someone to Kufa to set the gate on fire. [287]
Of course, some of 'Umar's functionaries lived luxurious lives, but
'Umar was not strict with them. two instances were 'Amr Ibn 'As and
Yazid Ibn Abi Sufyan. [288] This could have been due to his trust in
their management skills.
In some cases, too, he had special interest in certain persons. For
example, he was greatly fond of Zayd Ibn Thabit. Once, Abu Bakr asked
'Umar to appoint Zayd, then a teenager, to a post in financial affairs.
When 'Umar came to power and Zayd returned to him with some money, 'Umar
bestowed on Zayd all the money he had brought with him. [289]
One day, 'Umar heard that Abu Musa Ash'ari had lashed one of the
fighters of the army and had shaved his head. He wrote to Abu Musa that
if he had done this in public, he must receive Qisas or get retaliatory
punishment in public. And, if he had done it secretly, again he would
have to be punished in the same manner. When Abu Musa was getting ready
for Qisas, the lashed man forgave him. [290]
At any rate, 'Umar's orders and letters to the governors of different
lands, his questioning of the emirs of cities and his urging them to
observe justice, have been mentioned in numerous occasions by various
sources. [291] This situation, whatever reason it had, did not last
after 'Umar. 'Uthman, during his years of caliphate, left his
functionaries to themselves. This prevented a personality such as Imam
'Ali from controlling the situation.
The narrator says, “Once, some money was brought to 'Umar. His child
took one dhm, put it in its mouth and went away. 'Umar went after him
and took the money.” The narrator adds, “I was sitting with 'Uthman when
some money was brought to him, His child took a coin and then, his
servant took one, but he did not protest. I burst into tears. When
'Uthman asked the reason, I told him the story.
'Uthman said, ”'Umar did not give to his relatives for God's sake, but I
am giving to my folks for God's sake.” [292]
Among his functionaries, 'Umar did not question one particular person.
He was Mu'awiya, son of Abu Sufyan who had converted to Islam even later
than his father. Appointing Mu'awiya as the governor of Damascus during
the last six years of 'Umar's caliphate was one of the sensitive issues
of that time. The caliph was accused of playing a major role in
stabilizing the status of the Umayya in Damascus.
'Umar did not remove Mu'awiya from office when he called him the Arab
Caesar. [293] Once, 'Umar told Mu'awiya that he did not abide by
enjoining to good and forbidding from evil. [294] During 'Umar's rule,
the entire Damascus was under Mu'awiya's control. [295] Even at the time
of death, 'Umar told the six-man council, “Do not have differences with
each other because Mu'awiya is in Damascus! [296]
Also, Qaďi 'Abd al-Jabbar, a fanatic Sunnites, says, “Although 'Umar
strictly controlled his agents and sometimes changed them, he never had
such a behavior towards Mu'awiya.” [297]
Abu Bakr Asam said, “Mu'awiya was rightful in his war against 'Ali
because 'Umar had appointed him.” [298] Later, 'Umar's political and
religious conduct turned into a tradition. Once, when there was a
dispute between Talha and Imam 'Ali over a pitcher at the presence of
'Uthman.
Mu'awiya asked, “Did it exist at the time of 'Umar?”
They said, “Yes.”
He answered, “Can you change something which was fixed during 'Umar's
period?” [299]
Before Mu'awiya, his brother, Yazid, was the governor of parts of
Damascus. This issue began at the time of Abu Bakr. When he appointed
Khalid Ibn Sa'id as the commander of an army in Damascus, 'Umar insisted
that he be replaced with Yazid Ibn Abi Sufyan because Khalid Ibn Sa'id
who was in Yemen on behalf of Prophet Muhammad, returned after the
Prophet's demise and complained to Imam 'Ali about Abu Bakr's coming to
power.
That was why 'Umar preferred Yazid Ibn Sufyan to him. [300] After
Yazid's death, Mu'awiya succeeded him and ruled Damascus during the last
four years of 'Umar's caliphate. [301] Jahiz has interesting
interpretations about the gradual reinforcement of Mu'awiya's position
in Damascus from the time of Abu Bakr until 'Uthman. [302]
Among the caliph's agents, in addition to Mughira, there were other lewd
people, too. One of them was Qudama Ibn Maz'un who was a drunkard and
was lashed for this. [303] Another governor of 'Umar, Nu'man Ibn 'Adi,
wrote poems on wine and drunkenness. [304] It was reported to 'Umar that
Nu'man ran the affairs in the best possible way, but did not say his
prayers on time. [305]
At the end of this part, it would be suitable to mention some other
points considered by the caliph in choosing his agents. During his early
years in Iraq and Damascus, 'Umar showed that if he did not choose his
commanders from among the noble companions, he could not go beyond the
limits of the Quraysh and their allies such as the Thaqif and sometimes,
the Ansar who were trusted by the Quraysh. Therefore, despite the fact
that Muthanna Ibn Haritha had grown his power in Iraq and was apparently
trusted, 'Umar did not appoint him as commander in the war against
Iranians.
Also, when 'Utba Ibn Ghazwan, the founder of the city of Basra,
complained to 'Umar about the way Sa'd Ibn Abi Waqqas was enjoining to
good and forbidding from evil, 'Umar told him why he was not willing to
accept the rule of someone from the Quraysh.
Moreover, 'Umar tried to choose his agents from the cities not from
nomadic tribes. Once 'Umar heard from Utba that he had appointed
Mujashi' Ibn Mas'ud as his successor in Basra and as Mujashi' had not
been available then, had appointed Mughira Ibn Shu'ba.
In response, 'Umar said, “It is better that Mughira rules Basra, not
Mujashi' because Mujashi' is from nomads and Mughira is a city-dweller.”
[306] Mughira was a Thaqafi residing in Ta'if.
Notes:
[198] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 321
[199] Sahmi, Tarikh Jurjan p. 96.
[200] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. I, p. 587; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. VI,
p. 11; Anas Ibn Malik says, “On Saqifa, I saw ‘Umar forcing Abu Bakr to
sit on the pulpit al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, p. 438
[201] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p. 174 Once Abu
Bakr transferred a piece of land to someone with a title deed registered
under his name, but ‘Umar took the deed and destroyed it Hayat
As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 47 Interesting to know is that they call them ”
‘Umarayn” meaning two ‘Umars
[202] Abu Bakr Khallal, As-Sunna, p. 277
[203] al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 38 Ibn Abi l-Hadid writes, هو
(عمر) الذي شيد بيعة ابي بكر ورقم المخالفين فيها وكسر سيف زبير… ودفع صدر
مقداد… ولولاه لم يثبت لأبي بكر أمره ولا قامت له قائمته ‘Umar was someone
who straightened Abu Bakr’s allegiance and removed the dissenters, spit
apart Zubayr’s sword, beat chest of Miqdad, if he had not helped, Abu
Bakr’s caliphate would never be organized; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol.
I, p. 174
[204] al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, P. 254
[205] Gharib al-hadith, vol. II, p. 222; Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 17;
al-Fa’iq fi Gharib al-hadith, vol. III, p. 333; al-Adab al-Mufrad,
Bukhari, p. 29
[206] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 28
[207] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 200
[208] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, P. 428; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p.
199
[209] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, p. 429; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, vol.
I, pp 163-165; Nathr ad-Durr, ol II, pp 15 and 23; al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh,
vol. II, p. 425; Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 26; Tabaqat al-Kubra,
vol. III, p. 200
[210] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, p. 433 ‘Ayisha mentions objection of
“so and so”, Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 274 Abu Bakr was told, “When
he was not “caliph”, he harshly treated us ” “Oh, if he becomes a
ruler, what will he do to us?” al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, p.
449 Others complained of his “tongue and stick” al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah,
vol. I, p. 38 ‘Ali also objected to Abu Bakr, Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol.
III, p. 274; Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 26
[211] Abu Bakr Khallal, As-Sunna, p. 275
[212] Bahjat al-Majalis, vol. I, p. 579 and about other objections,
Ma‘rifat As-Sahaba, vol. I, p. 183; al-Futuh, vol. I, p. 152; al-Fa’iq
fi Gharib al-hadith, vol. I, pp 99-100
[213] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 61 He, in the same speech, asked God to
make him “good-tempered” Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 274
[214] al-Imamah wa’l-Siyasah, vol. I, p. 38
[215] Khayr al-Din Sawi writes, “Abu Bakr consulted with the companions
before selecting ‘Umar(Tatawwur al-fikr As-Siyasi, p. 40) Such a
viewpoint clashes with historical facts and consultation with Ibn ‘Awf
and ‘Uthman is only knowm to us Of course, disagreements are more
informative to us Faruq Nabhan, too, claimed that Abu Bakr always
received advice from the faithful people (Ni³am al-hukm fi l-Islam, p.
93)
[216] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 16
[217] Ibid vol. II, P. 22
[218] al-khilafa wa l-Imama, al-‘U³ma quoted from, Andishih siyasi dar
Islam mu‘asir, p. 150; before Rashid Riďa, Marwan Ibn Hakam referred to
Abu Bakr’s measure of making caliphate hereditary!
[219] Ibn Abi l-Hadid writes,وكان في اخلاق عمر والفاظه جفاء وعنجهية
ظاهرة ‘Umar’s ethics and words represented self-pride of some kind Sharh
Nahj al-Balaghah, vol. I, p. 183
[220] The caliph, in appearance, was tall and had a brown-colored face
and on front part of head, he was hairless, “Asla‘” According to
Muhammad Ibn Habib, he had deceitful eyes al-Muhabbar p. 303;
al-Munammaq, p. 405
[221] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 274; Abu Bakr Khallal, As-Sunna
اللهم إني غليظ فليّنّي O God! I am hot-tempered, make me soft-tempered
[222] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, P. 209; Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 137;
Hayat al-hayawan, vol. I, p. 346; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 282 The
first one to be lashed by Dirrah was Umm Farwa, Abu Bakr’s sister when
she was crying for Abu Bakr after his death and ‘Umar deemed crying for
the dead unrightful Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p.
181
[223] Rabi‘ al-Abrar, vol. III, p. 188; Hayat al-hayawan, vol. I, p. 51;
Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p. 188; al-Taratib
al-idariyya, vol. II, p. 376; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 281
[224] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. VI, p. 343, vol. I,
p. 164; Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, pp 128 and 130
[225] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 858
[226] al-Ma‘rifa wa l-Tarikh, vol. I, pp 364-365
[227] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. I, p. 61 يدخل عابساً ويخرج عابساً He entered
with sullen face and went out in the same way
[228] al-Aghani, vol. XVI, p. 93; al-Isti‘ab, vol. I, p. 273
[229] al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. IV,pp 343-344
[230] Jami‘ al-bayan al-‘ilm, vol. II, p. 103; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah,
vol. I, p. 174
[231] al-Fakhri, p. 106(Persian Translation
[232] al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. I, p. 15
[233] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. I,p. 265; al-Futuh, vol. II, pp 302-304;
Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p. 183 About him,
different stories are said of ‘Umar’s treatment and his repentance in
manner of treating him Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 147
[234] al-Musannaf, vol. I, p. 416
[235] Hayat al-hayawan, vol. I, p. 49; Mus‘ab Zubayri, Nasab Quraysh, p.
356
[236] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 841
[237] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 35; ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. I, p. 12
[238] Hayat al-hayawan, vol. I, p. 49
[239] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. IV, PP 34-35
[240] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. VIII, p. 205
[241] al-Aghani, vol. VI, p. 279
[242] Huwiyyat al-tashayyu‘, p. 47 from, al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba,
Sunan Biyhaqi
[243] Ibid p. 46 from, Taysir al-usul
[244] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. VII, pp 6-7
[245] Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 36; al-Taratib al-idariyya, vol. I,
p. 13; Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. IV, p. 211; Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p.
306
[246] Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. III, pp 475-476
[247] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq vol. XI, p. 276
[248] Tafsir al-Manar, vol. XI, p. 266
[249] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. IV, p. 34
[250] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 879; Tabaqat al-Kubra,
vol. III, pp 344-345
[251] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p. 182
[252] Kashf al-astar, vol. II, p. 303; Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. I, p. 347
[253] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. II, p. 935; Jami‘ al-bayan
al-‘ilm, vol. II, p. 17
[254] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. VIII, p. 464; al-Taratib al-idariyya, vol.
II, p. 405; al-Bahr al-zakhkhar, vol. III, p. 101; Ansab al-Ashraf, vol.
IV, p. 190; al-Musannaf, Ibn Abi Shayba, vol. IV, p. 190
[255] Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 120; Kanz al-‘Ummal, vol. II, p. 317; Hayat
As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 356
[256] Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. X, p. 46
[257] Khalifa Ibn KhayyaT makes it clear that Mu‘awiya ruled Greater
Syria in ending years of ‘Umar’s caliphate
[258] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, pp 153-156
[259] Muruj al-dhahab, vol. II, p. 306
[260] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 499
[261] al-Kamil fi l-Tarikh, vol. II, p. 361; Tarikh al-khulafa’, p. 106
[262] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, p. 397; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj
al-Balaghah, vol. II, pp 159-160
[263] Tarikh at-Tabari, vol. III, p. 396
[264] Sharaf Ashab al-hadith, p. 87
[265] Sharaf Ashab al-hadith, p. 88
[266] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XX, p. 20
[267] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. IX, pp 29-30;
al-Fitnat al-Kubra, pp 80-81
[268] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 158; there, he said that if Quraysh
were permitted to leave, they would be led to the left and right wings
[269] Fajr al-Islam, p. 172
[270] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p. 183and 283
[271] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 155; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. I, p.
22; Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 80
[272] Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, vol. II, p. 146; al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq,
vol. VII, pp 384-385; al-Aghani, vol. XVI, P. 94 about other cases,
al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. VIII, p. 217-219
[273] Gharib al-hadith, vol. III, p. 239; al-Fa’iq, vol. III, p. 215
[274] al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. I, pp 14-15
[275] For example, he accused Abu Hurayra of theft Tabaqat al-Kubra,
vol. IV, p. 335
[276] ‘Uyun al-akhbar, vol. I, pp 53-54; Futuh al-Buldan, p. 93; al-‘Iqd
al-farid, vol. I, p. 45
[277] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. IV, p. 335
[278] Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, p. 175
[279] al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. I, p. 46
[280] Ibid vol. I, p. 46
[281] Nahj As-Sa‘ada, vol. I, p. 112
[282] Hayat As-Sahaba, vol. II, p. 210; from, Kanz al-‘Ummal, vol. III,
p. 166
[283] Futuh al-Buldan, pp 90,299 and 396
[284] انما انت لعبته يلعب بك، ثم تتركين No doubt, you are his plaything
and finally thrown away
[285] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 817; Sharh Nahj
al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. I, P. 178(with a little difference
[286] Ibid vol. III, p. 836
[287] Akhbar al-Tiwal, p. 124; Futuh al-Buldan, p. 277
[288] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 8333
[289] Ibid vol. III, pp 854-855; al-Isaba, vol. I, p. 85
[290] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara vol. III, p. 809
[291] See a collection of commands, letters and speeches in, Sharh Nahj
al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XII, pp 194-196 He wrote to the
people of cities, “I have not sent my agents to oppress you or seize
your property I’ve sent them to teach you religion and tradition Anyone
iolated this, complain to me for retaliating him because I saw the
Prophet (S) doing so, Ibn Abi l-Hadid, vol. XII, p. 22 and for treating
harshly that is because of lack of understanding the Qur’anic verses,
Ibid vol. XII, pp 15 and 17
[292] al-Amali fi Athar As-Sahaba, pp 53-54; the heritage the Sunnites
know as biography of “Orthodox Caliphs” excluding what Imam ‘Ali said
and reflected more in culture of Shia belongs not to Abu Bakr and
‘Uthman but to ‘Umar What history tells of this heritage is legion and
the Sunnites typically adopted its acceptability through ‘Umar’s letters
and catch phrases It is to admitted that, apart from caliph’s certain
matters concerned with Imamate, the Hashimites and some juriprudic
rulers as well as religious values, what persists has had and still has a
high place in contrast to ‘Umar’s, the Umayya’s and the ‘Abbasids’s
biography The Sunnites refomists portrayed this considerably and
undeniably See, Tarikh falsafih dar Islam, vol. II, article on “Tafakkur
siyasi dar Sadr Islam” is maily vested upon the same acceptability
transferred from ‘Umar and presented an idealistic image of the Islamic
government and principles of Islamic policy The caliph held that the
assets of Bayt al-Mal are not privately owned but it is divine
property,”Mal Allah” at his disposal(Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, pp
275-276) while ‘Uthman regarded it as personal propewrty, ‘Umar Himself
moved around the city as a “night guard”(Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. III, p.
281
[293] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 61; al-‘Iqd al-farid, vol. III, p. 365
[294] Dala’il As-Sidq, vol. III, p. 312 quoted from Tarikh at-Tabari,
vol. VI, p. 184
[295] Tarikh Khalifat Ibn Khayyat, vol. I, p. 157 This is against the
idea of Ibn Kathir who believes that ‘Umar had him control some parts of
greater Syria al-Bidaya wa l-Nihaya, vol. III, p. 124
[296] Nathr ad-Durr, vol. II, p. 37
[297] Tathbit Dala’il al-Nubuwwa, p. 593
[298] Masa’il al-Imamah, p. 60
[299] Ansab al-Ashraf, vol. IV, p. 499, No 1286; Ibn ‘Asakir mentions
various evidence concerningly Mukhtasar Tarikh Dimashq, vol. XXV, pp
18-25 and 44-73
[300] al-Musannaf, ‘Abd al-Razzaq, vol. V, p. 454
[301] Tarikh al-Madinat al-Munawwara, vol. III, p. 838
[302] Rasa’il al-jahi¨, al-Rasail As-Siyasiyya, p. 344
[303] al-Ishtiqaq, p. 13; al-Fa’iq, vol. I, P. 431; Tabaqat al-Kubra,
vol. V, p. 560-561
[304] Mus‘ab Zubayri, Nasab Quraysh, p. 382
[305] Tabaqat al-Kubra, vol. V, p. 560
[306] Mu‘jam al-Buldan, vol. I, p. 432
